The need for an internal enemy in Spain

History of internal tensions

Spain has traditionally lived in an environment of internal tensions, where pronunciamiento, insurrection and, on very specific and costly occasions, revolution have often been mixed. In 1939 it was sought to ensure an eternal peace by eliminating dissent with executions, exiles and other repressive measures. This strategy had some success, but was not completely effective.

The Rise of Neophalangism

Francoism proved not to be powerful enough to maintain a constant and harsh repression, while the opposition was not strong enough to overthrow the regime and eliminate an entire fascist elite. This situation led to the transaction, a pact based on mutual weakness that ultimately strengthened neo-Falangism in the social, economic and political spheres. After some initial years of adaptation on the part of those who escaped the purge, this dynamic accelerated from 1993, consolidating in 2000. Spain once again had an internal enemy, according to its perception, weak enough to serve as a scapegoat for system deficiencies.

Catalanophobia as a binder

Nothing unites Spain more than having the Catalans, or the Catalan, as the target of their attacks. This internal enemy is essential for the internal cohesion of the country and to satisfy a certain national self-loathing. Both the right and the Spanish left find Catalanophobia a useful tool. While some clamor for ‘Santiago y cierra España’, others seek to dilute cultural diversity with provincialisms, affecting language, institutions, customs and law.

The current conflict

The current era is no different. Spain seems to be satisfied with having the Catalans as perfect opponents. For some, this opposition feeds a feeling of Catalanophobia inherent in Spanish nationalism, excluding its kind. For others, it allows the State’s strength to be modulated through repression and, as La Trinca said, to pacify the people with empty promises.

Amnesty and justice

The application of the amnesty shows this situation. Except for honorable exceptions such as the judge of the 18th District Court of Barcelona or the position of the State Attorney General’s Office, it is regrettable that some magistrates are considering bringing specific cases to European justice or the Constitutional Court while the 46 police have been amnestied without doubt and quickly. This disparity in the treatment of independence and its representatives shows that the repressive mentality of 39 is still present. Now, the validity of this syndrome manifests itself with Catalans under the spotlight, leaving aside other groups that were previously the object of persecution.

Ultimately, Spain maintains its need to find a discordant internal element to hold it together, and this role seems to have fallen to the Catalans, thus perpetuating a historical dynamic of unresolved internal tensions.

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